This thesis is a study of syntactic constraints on the distribution and interpretation of the Russian reflexive pronouns sebja and svoj. These are usually, but, importantly, not always subject-oriented and in complementary distribution with pronominals, and in certain conditions they trigger some hitherto poorly studied interpretive effects. Russian also demonstrates considerable versatility in binding of NP-internal reflexives, including possessives. An explanatory account of the patterns in question, which canonical Binding Theory of Chomsky (1981) has been unable to provide, is offered.
The Russian reflexives sebja and svoj enter into anaphoric dependencies based on person or number alternatively. The complementary distribution of reflexives and pronominals holds separately for every alternating derivation rather than globally.
It is a possibility to consider that syntactic operations are subject to relativized rather than phase-based locality and that valuation proceeds for every feature and in each direction independently. The morphological realization of syntactic features should also be given more attention.